The  With globalization and the recession of 2008/09 immigration policy gained in importance. An increasing number of people worldwide migrate into foreign countries on economic, political or military grounds. Not only in Switzerland is immigration a very controversial subject; how­ever, due to structure of the Swiss democracy system, voters are able, to directly influence how immigration policy is evolving in a regular and substantial way.  In recent years, there have been several initiatives which wanted to impose limitations on the numbers of foreigners residing in Switzerland. The most famous of these recent initiatives was the Mass Immigration Initiative. That was accepted on February 14th in 2014. The dis­cussion on how to translate the text into law is not finished yet. At the time of writing, parlia­mentary discussion on the implementation are still ongoing.  However, one of the central parts of the initiative, the idea of limiting the number of immi­grants by quota or contingents, is older than many people think it is. There have been nu­merous similar attempts of limitations earlier. Most are forgotten, but one still appears in the media from time to time: the Schwarzenbachinitiative2 of 1970. It was set up by the NA3 but was championed by one man: the industrial James Schwarzenbach. Even though Schwarzenbach and his party faced huge opposition by all other parties and unions, he suc­ceeded in convincing 46 percent of Swiss population to vote yes. The unexpectedness of this result was historic and influenced political discussion for years.  If there have been such initiatives regularly, can one learn anything from them? Or in other words and more concretely: Is it possible to predict the future of the Mass Immigration Initia­tive by comparing it to the most famous foreign infiltration initiative, the Schwarzenbachinitia­tive?  This paper aims to give answers to this question. First, the background to both initiatives is given by summarizing existing literature. Next, own archive research was undertaken to un­derstand the tone of debate on a local and national level. Third, four specifically chosen di­rectly involved politicians were interviewed. They shared their personal experience and their own thoughts on similarities, differences and predictions for the immediate future. To achieve a balanced view two politicians per initiative were chosen, one a supporter and one an oppo­nent and they were asked to answer a set of predetermined questions. It is clear, that only four interviews do not provide a complete picture of the situation and therefore have to be used with certain restraint. Even so, through their first hand involvement add a unique di­mension. All this body of work is then compared, evaluated and discussed in the conclusion section.  This paper does not discuss other anti-immigration initiatives, but the Schwarzenbachinitia­tive and the Mass Immigration Initiative. For a more accurate conclusion it would have made sense to include them, but this would not be possible within the limited space of this paper.  2 Schwarzenbachinitiative: means “the initiative of Schwarzenbach” and was the most common name of the initiative which was officially called “zweite Überfremdungsinitiative”.3 NA: “Nationale Aktion” (national action), name of a Swiss political party and now known as “Schweizer Demokraten”.  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 6  2 Background  2.1 Schwarzenbachinitiative  2.1.1 Post-War-Situation in Switzerland  In 1945, World War two ended. After this disaster, the majority of economists expected the European economy to go through a period of recession. Against their prediction, the contrary happened and the economy was booming (Halbeisen, Müller, & Veyrasat, 2012, S. 27). Switzerland, with its infrastructure undamaged by the war, was able to immediately increase industrial production to react to the new demand. Consequently, the rate of unemployment dropped significantly and in 1960 it even reached the zero-point (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 66ff). To prevent a possible shortage in labor, the federal council introduced quotas for for­eign workers. The idea behind the approach was simple: foreigners would come and work in Switzerland for nine months and then leave. They would be replaced with new foreign work­ers. This regular turnover of the foreign work force was called “Rotationspolitik”4 and the people coming were called “Saisoniers”-a reference to their time-limited staying permissions. This system had one big advantage: costs for integration were completely avoided. Workers were not supposed to stay and had no family with them to be housed and schooled (Wottreng, 2000, S. 156-164). Switzerland had found the perfect conjunction buffer5: If econ­omy was growing, the number of workers was increased and in a year of crisis, the quotas shrank.  The workers who came to Switzerland were mainly Italians. Italy was facing financial prob­lems as well as a very high unemployment rate. The Italian government saw the solution to their problems in a consequent fostering of emigration, especially from the very poor south. Inducements and processes for easy emigration were therefore established (Maiolino, 2011, S. 75-77).  The interests of both countries matched perfectly: Italy sent thousands of workers to Switzer­land who needed these people to support economic expansion. Later, an increasing number of yearlong residence authorizations were assigned instead of the conventional nine-month­long permission. And in 1964, the “Italienerabkommen” facilitated the coming of wives and children of husbands already working in Switzerland (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 66 ff).  The result was an enormous increase of the number of foreign permanent residents. In 1950, there were 140’000 under this status. By 1970 there were 584000 plus 200’000 seasonal workers (Wottreng, 2000, S. 156-164). The figure below shows the percentage of permanent foreign residents in Switzerland from 1900-2015. In the period of 1960-1970, the increase of foreigners was significantly higher than in the years before.   Figure 1: Percentage of the permanent foreign resident population in annual comparison (Bundesamt für Statistik Schweiz, 2016).  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 7   2.1.2 Problems Arise  Soon after the establishment of the “Saisoniers-Status”, tensions between foreign immigrants and the native population became evident.  The massive growth of the population, principally caused by immigrants, added to the in­creasing prosperity in Switzerland. The economic growth led to a significant extension of public infrastructure in the 1960s and 70s. Schools, new apartments and supply stores were built and also the traffic network was extended. The so called metropolization completely changed the landscape. Many people felt uncertain and not at ease in their rapidly altered surroundings (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 72f).  Although industry was booming, many Swiss people felt threatened by the intensified labor market. Italian immigrants were blamed for falling wages; Italian workers were willing to work for low wages because they still earned about 35-50 percent more than they would have got­ten in Italy (Maiolino, 2011, S. 92).  The Italians were also perceived as “trouble makers” in public life. Cultural differences led to misunderstandings. Soon being Italian automatically meant that you were thought to be “loud, rude” and a freeloader. Freeloader especially, because many Italians saved their mon­ey or sent it back home to their family and did not spent it on Swiss terrain.  In addition to the growing cultural tensions, economic unions began making warnings about financial implications. These unions feared an imminent crash if the exponential economic growth was not slowed down soon.  The federal council reacted to these fears by introducing a restriction programme called “Be­triebsplafonierung” in 1963. This introduced contingents for working permissions per sector. In 1965 further conjunction dampening governmental actions were established. There was even the creation of a federal commission for the “Überfremdungsfrage” (Wottreng, 2000, S. 156-164).  These actions were not enough for some people and the Democratic Party of Zurich suc­cessfully collected enough signatures to launch a first initiative. This was the first foreign infil­tration initiative6. It wanted to fix the maximum of foreign residents in Switzerland at ten per­cent of Swiss population. Before a public vote on the initiative could take place, it was with­drawn by the responsible committee in 1968.   2.1.3 The Schwarzenbachinitiative  The Nationale Aktion reintroduced the term “foreign infiltration” by submitting a second initia­tive on the 20th of May in 1969 (Drews, 2005, S. 277). It contained demands to lower the per­centage of foreigners under ten percent of the cantonal population. The exact wording can be found in the appendix.  The change in reference from Swiss national population to individual cantonal figures, would have led to a vastly higher reduction of foreign residents than the first infiltration initiative. This was due to the unequal distribution of population in the cantons. In real terms, this  6 Foreign Infiltration Initiatives: word by word translation for “Überfremdungsinitiativen”.  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 8  would have caused the expulsion of 44 percent of foreigners at this time. (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 156-164)  Furthermore, there was no retreat clause7 integrated into the text of the initiative integrated as this was usually the case. This was done on purpose, in order to give the initiative more credibility (Drews, 2005, S. 76).  The leader of the second infiltration initiative was James Schwarzenbach, a very rich indus­trial, who descended from an old aristocratic family from Zurich (Wottreng, 2000, S. 156­164). It was the vote on “his” initiative that made him famous in Switzerland and in Europe. Soon, the initiative was commonly known as Schwarzenbachinitiative. He was the man of the hour; it is rare, that a political initiative is personalized so extremely. As owner of a publishing house, Schwarzenbach was asked to become a candidate for the NA as a national councilor shortly before the elections in 1967. Against expectations, he was elected and went into na­tional politics without any experience at the local or cantonal level (Drews, 2005, S. 72).  In his politics, Schwarzenbach primarily spoke in favor of lowering the pressure on the work­ing market, halting the decrease in salaries and lowering the expenditures of the state. He also fought against tax increases. Above all, he promised the people to eliminate foreign infil­tration and so secure Swiss tradition and culture. Combining these goals, with his private financial resources and clever rhetoric, he soon had a lot of supporters around him.  Unions, political parties, business circles and the federal council were all opposed to the initi­ative. To the unions the initiative was too extreme. Additionally, unions warned of the ex­pected negative reactions of foreign countries and accused the initiative of being inhumane. Business insisted on the necessity of foreign workers to maintain production levels (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 73).  On June 7th in 1970, the initiative was rejected by 54 percent of votes and sixteen cantons. The poll turnout was extremely high at 74, 7 percent8. In general, geographically central can­tons tended to vote yes, cantons close to the border tended to vote no. Furthermore, more rural cantons as Berne or Uri, predominately voted yes. Strong initiative supporters were workers and peasants. No difference along party lines and religious confession was ob­served (Drews, 2005, S. 77f).   2.1.4 Effects and Later Developments  Although the initiative was not accepted, its close outcome strongly influenced the political debate. The government realized that many people were not satisfied with the situation.  One direct response to these concerns was the creation of an “advisory commission for the problem of foreigners”9 to examine the subject in more detail. In addition, the federal council installed a ban on admissions. It set a maximum number of foreigners working in every eco­nomical sector with a contingent system (Schmid D. H., 1987, S. 160f). In 1973, the federal council went further with their stabilization measures and halved the contingents for seasonal workers (Drews, 2005, S. 82).  7 Retreat Clause is the word by word translation for “Rückzugsklausel”. 8 At this point only male Swiss citizen were allowed to vote. 9 Advisory Commission for the Problem of Foreigners is a word by word translation for the German term “Konsultativkommission für das Ausländerproblem”.  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 9  Also, the NA did not rest inactively and launched a third, a fourth and a fifth foreign infiltration initiative. All of them were rejected at the polls and none could catch up with the result of 1970. One explanation for this was that people felt that the measures the federal council was effectively addressing their concerns (Drews, 2005, S. 82-84).  The early 70-ies were years of recession, especially 1973. As an result, less foreign workers were required and recruited (Halbeisen, Müller, & Veyrasat, 2012, S. 139). Eventually the conjunction buffer served its purpose and many of the workers had to return to Italy.  The ones who stayed were slowly and steadily integrated. Many of them went up the social ladder, founded families and finally were naturalized as Swiss citizen. This whole process of assimilation is also called “mediterreanization” and was seen as an enrichment to Swiss cul­ture and cuisine, not as a burden anymore (Maiolino, 2011, S. 227f). Problems in public life were now blamed on immigrating people from other countries.  James Schwarzenbach distanced himself more and more from the NA and founded his own political party, the republican movement (“Republikanische Bewegung”). At the start, the par­ty was popular, but gradually lost importance. In 1978, Schwarzenbach stepped down as national councilor. He died on October the 27th 1994 in St. Moritz (Drews, 2005, S. 84-86).  The system of quotas for foreigners was stopped with the ratification of the treaty on free movement of persons between Switzerland and the EU. Quotas are still in use for immigra­tion of non-EU states (Forster, 2014). The free movement of persons is part of the Bilateral Agreements 10, which consists of seven treaties all bound together with a Guillotine-Clause11 .    2.2 Mass Immigration Initiative12  2.2.1 A New Dimension of Immigration  After the big oil crisis of 1973 and the following recession, new economic trends gained im­portance. Two main vectors were neoliberalism and globalization. Both trends included a growing privatization of formerly public services and a redistribution of industrial production to countries with lower labor costs. The main drivers were the maximization of shareholder prof­its (Maiolino, 2011, S. 249f). In the last forty years, these trends have established themselves on a global level. This development led to an increase in prosperity overall but also to an enormous deindustrialization and losses of working places in the industrial countries. While richer people have been able to enlarge their wealth, the lower social classes have been put into an intensified job market and have had to absorb the growing costs of living. Also, on a global scale, the gap between poor and rich people became larger.  10 The Bilateralen 1 consists of seven commitments. These are namely: Personenfreizügigkeit (the free movement of persons), «Technische Handelshemnisse», «Öffentliches Beschaffungswesen», «Landwirtschaft», «Forschung», «Luftverkehr und Landverkehr» (EDA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten DEA, 2016).11 Guillotine-Clause (Guillotineklausel) means that if one of the treaties is not respected or dissolved, all the others automatically lose their validity as well (Eidgenössisches Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten EDA, 2016, S. 7).12 Mass Immigration Initiative: word by word translation for the German «Masseneinwanderungsinitia­tive».  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 10  The enlarged global wealth inequalities have, once again, generated an increasing immigra­tion pressure into Switzerland. This can be seen in the graphic showed on page 7, which shows that, the number of foreigners in Switzerland undergoes another significant growth beginning in the early 1990s. Primarily, people emigrated from the Balkan states, Turkey or Portugal in the hope of finding work and a better future. Another reason for the influx of for­eigners were wars, in places such as the Balkan and Sri Lanka. Thousands of refugees came into Switzerland and, after having been granted asylum status, they mainly worked in low-wage sectors (Maiolino, 2011, S. 244-246).  The ever increasing percentage of permanent residents of foreign origin, as well as the per­ceived negative impacts of globalization have led to anxieties in the population. Foreigners were accused of being freeloaders of Swiss social systems and for misuse of the Swiss asy­lum system. They are also blamed for destroying Swiss tradition and culture and being over proportionally criminal. The SVP13, with figure head Christoph Blocher, coined the term “Masseneinwanderung”14 for the phenomena.  The SVP has its roots in the countryside, exemplified by its former name BGB 15 (Generalsekretariat SVP Schweiz, 1). However, it underwent a pronounced transformation in the nineties. The question of immigration together with the fight against the entry of Switzer­land into the European Union became the party’s top priorities (Maiolino, 2011, S. 240ff).  Within a short period, the party gained a broad diversified constituency and finally became the strongest political party within the German speaking part of Switzerland. The SVP launched several controversial initiatives in the last years such as the extradition of criminal foreigners or the prohibition of building minarets. In their own words, they were more and more concerned about the increasing number of immigrants. This was the reason to ask the federal council to invocate the safeguard clause16 of “the free movement of persons”. This was done in 2008, when the criteria for activating the clause were fulfilled for the first time. Since the federal council did not react as SVP wanted, it decided to launch another initiative. They called it the «Mass Immigration Initiative» (Überparteiliches Kommitee für die Annahme der Masseneinwanderungsinitiative, 2013, S. 33).   2.2.2 The Mass Immigration Initiative itself  The initiative was presented by then party president Toni Brunner on February 14th 2012, with 136’195 valid signatures. On February 9th 2014, the initiative was accepted by the gen­eral population with 50.3 percent voting yes and a majority of the cantons at 12 5/2. The re­turn at the polls was unusually high and rose up to 56.6 percent. The initiative was mostly accepted in the German speaking part, whereas the French speaking part of Switzerland mainly rejected it. The Italian speaking part of Switzerland said yes with 68.2 percent, which  13 SVP: Schweizerische Volkspartei, is a right winged conservative Swiss political party. 14 Masseneinwanderung: Is later only used with the word by word translation “mass immigration”. 15 BGB: abbreviation for “Bauern-, Gewerbe und Bürgerpartei”, which means translated “party for peasants, commerce and citizen.16 Safeguard Clause (Ventilklausel): The possibility to apply directing measures in a case of overuse of immigration possibilities through the free movement of persons. If the number of the residential per­missions is more than 10 percent higher than the average of the precedent years, the federal council is allowed to inforce contingents for some specially defined countries (Überparteiliches Kommitee für die Annahme der Masseneinwanderungsinitiative, 2013, S. 33).  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 11  was the highest acceptance in the whole country. Most of the cantons which are close to the border rejected the initiative with exception Ticino. The same is true for urban cantons with high population numbers (Forster, 2014). These trends led to strong discussions around the fear of foreigners in the parts where they are least numerous.  The initiative requires the government to introduce maximum contingents of foreigners which are based on economic needs. The exact realization is not fixed in the text of the initiative. The exact wording of the initiative can be found in the appendix.  The proponents of the initiative were mainly members or supporters of the SVP. Their main arguments for the initiative were the following: Switzerland should regain control over its own immigration rate, which was no longer possible because of the treaty of free movement of persons. A contingent system, in their opinion, would create an efficient instrument to reestablish this control. In addition, the negative effects of mass immigration would become controllable. Trains would not been overcrowded any longer, property prices would be stabi­lized and criminality would be lowered as well as the expenditures for social care (Überparteiliches Kommitee für die Annahme der Masseneinwanderungsinitiative, 2013, S. 5ff).  On the opponent side, most of the unions, economic circles and political parties were against the initiative. Their main arguments were based on the aim to maintain the bilateral treaties with the EU, which were in danger because of the Guillotine-clause. If the free movement of persons was restricted, all treaties of the Bilateralen 1 were at stake. Additionally, they warned of a shortage of specialists and reduced economic growth (SRF Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen, 2014). The whole Swiss economy would therefore suffer. Furthermore, it was argued that an acceptance would necessitate a new, huge, expensive bureaucratic monster to enact the legislation.   2.2.3 Effects and Developments up to now  The initiative was accepted and the federal council started the implementation. A first direct consequence was the immediate interruption of negotiations with the newest member of the EU, Croatia (DEA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten, 2016, S. 1). Shortly after­wards, Switzerland was downgraded in certain research programs. The EU did this by explic­itly mentioning the Guillotine-clause (EDA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten DEA, 2016, S. 1f).  Right after the acceptance, a federal commission was created that was tasked with formulat­ing and assessing proposals for realizing the Mass Immigration Initiative. The native priority­light17, one of the developed solutions, was chosen as the best approach by the commission in fall 2016. It was presented to the larger chamber in the fall session of 2016 and was ac­cepted with some minor adjustments (Foster & Gerny, 2016). By November 2016, the small chamber has not yet discussed the proposal. Therefore, the final realization approach cannot be written down in this paper.  17 Native Priority-Light: “Inländervorrang-light” in German. The term used is a word by word translation.  The Political Fight against Strangers Background Page 12  A counter-proposal to the Mass Immigration Initiative called “RASA-Initiative”18was also launched. It wants to repeat the vote of February 2014 in hopes that the population will have changed its opinion after realizing all the negative effects caused by the initiative. At the mo­ment of writing, the initiative was just rejected by the federal council (Verein Raus aus der Sackgasse, 2016). Enough valid signatures have been collected. In November 2016, the federal council has rejected the RASA-Initiative but wants to propose a direct alternative for public votation.  18 RASA-Initiative: “Raus aus der Sackgasse”-Initiative which means word by word: initiative to get out of the cul-de-sac.  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 13     3 Own Research  3.1 Schwarzenbachinitiative  3.1.1 Archive Research  In the city of Wil, two local newspapers were examined for the time period between May 25th -June 14th 1970: On the one hand the rather liberal and still existing “Wiler Zeitung” and on the other the catholic conservative “Neues Wiler Tagblatt” that has ceased to exit. The follow­ing list is a selection of the research compiled. The complete data can be found in the ap­pendix.  x All official unions, churches and parties except the Nationale Aktion spoke out for the rejection of the Schwarzenbachinitiative. Neither in the “Wiler Zeitung” nor in the “Neues Wiler Tagblatt” can any official statement of a group, supporting the initiative be found.  x There are many reports about public debates in different places in the region of Wil. Members of the national council and other politicians were invited everywhere to dis­cuss the topic in public. It seems that this was an important part of forming an opin­ion. Very telling is the report published in the “Wiler Zeitung” on May 26th 1970. It tells about an information debate organized by the local CVP (Christian-democratic people’s party), the social democrats (SP) and the liberal party (FDP) together. The parties seemed to have been able to cooperate, which apparently was rarely the case in other situations (Redaktion Wiler Zeitung, 1970).  x Repeatedly James Schwarzenbach and his proponents were attacked as persons.  x The few pro-initiative paroles were centered on very different arguments. Nonethe­less, most of them mention their distrust in the federal council and its promises for changing anything about the current situation.  x Overall, the reports in the newspapers are not impartial. They illustrate the dismissive position of the paper.  x In the examined time sequence, there is only one advertisement which promotes the acceptance of the initiative. It was surprising to notice, that compared to today, both newspapers had very few advertisements relating to the Schwarzenbachinitiative.  x The criminal reports of the “Wiler Zeitung” portray an aggressive atmosphere against foreigners. For example an article released on June 5th was titled with: “Xenophobic threatened with a pistol”19. The report is about a Swiss national from Amriswil (TG) who had threatened his Italian neighbor with a pistol because the Italian was working in the garden late in the evening (Redaktion Wiler Zeitung, 1970).  x In general, the Schwarzenbachinitiative was omni present in the time period studied. Both newspapers were constantly full of articles, reports, discussions as well as read­ers’ comments. The topic seems to have polarized many people. In contrast, the sub­ject disappeared very rapidly once the vote was held. There are some comments on it in the first week after, but then other themes were put back into the spotlight.  19 In German: “Fremdenhasser drohte mit Pistole”.  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 14   3.1.2 Archive Zürich  In the archive for contemporary history in Zurich, different holdings about “foreign infiltration” have been examined. Aim was to find primary source material such as leaflets. The archive was visited on September 26th 2016.  x  At the beginning of the 21st century, many academic studies began to examine the   1970s. Italian immigration and the foreign infiltration initiatives were processed on a   historical basis. There are several reports which describe the slow process of the as­  similation of Italian nationals into Switzerland. Often, there are also comparisons to   the so called “new-immigrants” such as Albanians or African nationals. One newspa­  per article even made the statement, that Albanian people are undergoing exactly the   same process as Italians had done some years before (NZZ, 2005, S. 49).   x  It emerges, that in 1970 the essential question was not whether or not Switzerland   had an immigration problem since this was a common concern. The focus of discus­  sion  was  on  how Switzerland wanted  to  handle this problem (Archiv für   Zeitgeschichte AFZ, 1961-2009).   x  In the estate of the Swiss cartoonist U. Steger there are a number of cartoons refer­  ring to Schwarzenbach and his politics. One of these is used on the title page of this   paper.   x  The holdings contain several original propaganda leaflets from both sides. The follow­  ing figures show two of them as examples.    The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 15   Figure 2: Leaflet Pro-Schwarzenbachinitiative (Archiv für Zeitgeschichte AFZ, 1961-2009).   Figure 3: Example of an original leaflet (Archiv für Zeitgeschichte AFZ, 1961-2009).  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 16   3.1.3 Interviews  Information gained from the interviews related to the Schwarzenbachinitiative are noted be­low. A complete summary of points can be found in the appendix under “Summary of the Interviews” as well as the individual transcripts. To enable a fast overview, the points are classified in sections.  a)  Atmosphere:   b)  Characterization:    x  According to Valentin Oehen, there was a certain tension within the Swiss population because of the masses of Italians coming to Switzerland. It was a common sentiment that all this could not proceed longer. Helmut Hubacher acknowledges that many Ital­ians came and states that this development also caused fears within economic cir­cles.   x  Beat Flach remembers male Italians assembling at the train stations and other public places. There, they whistled after women who passed by and people who were not used to such groups felt disturbed and annoyed.    x Valentin Oehen claims, that the initiative text was already written when James Schwarzenbach joined the Nationale Aktion. However, Schwarzenbach very shortly afterwards took over the party and centered the whole discussion on his personal views. Oehen states that Schwarzenbach wanted publicity and fame in Switzerland to make his newspaper “der Republikaner” better known.  x Lukas Reimann does not agree with the opinion that James Schwarzenbach has been a pioneer for modern immigration restriction initiatives. In his eyes Schwarzen­bach was simply a nationalist and totally disregarded economic interests.  x To Helmut Hubacher a typical supporter of the initiative was a working middle-aged man who felt threatened by additional competition for jobs and female attention, so Helmut Hubacher.  c) Assessment of the Pros and Cons:  x Helmut Hubacher says, he rejected the initiative because of humanitarian reasons. The Italians were recruited actively by Swiss companies. For him it was not human to send them back when they were not needed anymore.  x Valentin Oehen gives two main arguments for his acceptance of the Schwarzen­bachinitiative: Ecological aspects and avoiding cultural and traditional losses due to foreign infiltration.  d) Particularities:  x Hubacher believes, that the Schwarzenbachinitiative would have been rejected clearer if women would have been allowed to vote. Men had problems with the Ital­ians, since the numerous, well-dressed Italians were competitors in the fight for women.  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 17  x For Lukas Reimann the Schwarzenbachinitiative and the campaign around it were clearly hostile against foreigners. That thousands of Italians would have been forced to leave the country would not have been acceptable for him.    3.2 Masseneinwanderungsinitiative  3.2.1 Archive Research  In the city of Wil, two local newspapers, the “Wiler Nachrichten” and the “Wiler Zeitung” of the year 2014, were examined. The same analysis approach was taken as the year 1970. Infor­mation taken out of other newspapers found on the Internet are included in the summary in the precedent chapter. Also here, the complete information is appended in the end in the appendix under “Full Archive Research”. The following is a summary of main points.  x In both newspapers, the topic is present in numerous reader’s comments, reports and debates.  x The number of reader’s comments is remarkable. Whole pages full of them can be found in both newspapers. Reader’s comments are mainly from people who say why they will vote yes or no. Numerically, there are about as many supporting comments as opposing ones.  x Political advertisement was very often used in the campaign. Both opposing sides seem to have invested a lot of money. There are even some whole-page ads. Vivid colors such as red or yellow and large graphics which catch reader’s attention are main elements. An example for both sides can be seen in the following two figures.   Figure 4: Advertisement to promote the rejection of the Mass Immigration Initiative (Komitee "Nein zur SVP-Abschottungsinitiative", 2014).  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 18  Most of the adverts from the supporting committees predict a vast increase of immi­grants in the following years if nothing happens now. Some adverts which specifically mention Muslim immigration as a crucial points. However, they were not coming from the official SVP supporting committee. An example can be seen in the figure below.   Figure 5: Official advertisement of the national SVP (SVP Schweiz, 2014)  Figure 6: An original Anti-Muslim advertisement (Egerkinger Komitee, 2014).  The Political Fight against Strangers Own Research Page 19   3.2.2 Interviews  In this subchapter, aspects not yet mentioned concerning the Mass Immigration Initiative are recorded. They are taken out of the summary of the interviews which can be found in the appendix. Only information used in the final comparison is listed here. To enable a fast overview the points are classified in sections.  a)  Atmosphere:   b)  Assessment of Pros and Cons:    x  Helmut Hubacher mentions the feeling of many people that there are too many immi­  grants coming into Switzerland. He thinks that the maximum acceptable limit of foreign­  ers might be reached soon and that people feel this.   x  Beat Flach tells that nowadays, it is not known where the big players such as Russia or   the USA want to go. This unsettles Swiss citizens with respect to their own identity.   Swiss people find themselves in an identity crisis in which they tend to attach them­  selves to traditional values.    x According to Beat Flach, the initiative proposed an easy solution to people’s fears: limit the people immigrating into Switzerland. However, he does not agree that this would solve the problems.  x Next to already mentioned pros, Lukas Reimann brings along a not yet discussed ar­gument: For him the Swiss social systems are strongly burdened by immigrants. The in­itiative lessens the load on these systems.  c) Characterization:  x For Valentin Oehen, Italians are not seen as a problem in Swiss society anymore. He is worried by the strain that current and more diverse immigrants are putting on the sys­tem. Helmut Hubacher shares this concern.  x For Lukas Reimann, a typical supporter is not similar to the characterization of Beat Flach and Valentin Oehen. Only a small section of the supporters of the Mass Immigra­tion Initiative had xenophobic reasons. In his opinion, most yes-voters understood that Swiss economy and Swiss social systems cannot bear unrestricted immigration any longer.  d) Particularities:  x Both, supporters and opponents, have used people’s fears actively in the campaign, in­sists Lukas Reimann.  x Lukas Reimann is of the opinion, that the effect of the Mass Immigration Initiative will not be as serious as the media have predicted. Especially not if the initiative is realized as it is discussed up to now. He absolutely does not agree with the implementation and  The Political Fight against Strangers Comparison Page 20  speaks of a twisting of people’s will. Beat Flach contradicts this and insists that the maintenance of the bilateral treaties is crucial for Switzerland’s further economic and cultural development.  e) Comparison made by Interviewees  x Valentin Oehen acknowledges certain similarities of the Schwarzenbachinitiative and the Mass Immigration Initiative of 2014: Both had similar goals. Furthermore, he states that the SVP and NA parties have a lot in common. He sees the NA as part of the SVP, but with more emphasis on ecological aspects. Also, supporters of both initiatives ac­cording to him are mainly impacted working people. Despite this, Oehen claims, that the Mass Immigration Initiative had more support from academic circles than the Schwarzenbachinitative at its time. Beat Flach adds that supporters were more likely to come from the rural areas.  x Beat Flach thinks that the Schwarzenbachinitiative and the Mass Immigration Initiative are too distinct timewise to be compared successfully. For him, the Mass Immigration Initiative was based on a broader middle class movement and not personalized as the Schwarzenbachinitiative. However, he also agrees on some similarities. One is that it picked up on the fears of the public and offered an easy solution. Another similarity, is the gathering of young male foreigners at train stations in both periods of time. Nowa­days, these groups consist of people from the Magreb or Eritrea, whereas in his youth these were Italian immigrants.      4Comparison  4.1 Comparison of the Time Setting  4.1.1 Similarities  Although separated by forty years, it seems that large portions of the population felt threat­ened by a fast changing environment. Faced with this, many asked themselves how Switzer­land should adapt and how unique traditions and Swiss culture can be protected. Foreign influences was seen mainly as a threat.  Economically, at the time of the actual votes, the situation was good: unemployment rates were low and wages were high. This is especially true for the year 1970. In 2014, the recent recession with the banking crisis of 2009/10 was still very present, but in general business was also running well.  In contrast to the flourishing Swiss economy, certain foreign countries struggled. In 1970 es­pecially Italy found itself in a huge crisis, whereas in 2014 many less affluent European coun­tries were still affected by the financial crisis of 2008/09.  Immigration to Switzerland was highly attractive in both periods. This was additionally sup­ported by the Swiss government with treaties to facilitate immigration. In 1970 it was the trea­ty with Italy and in 2007 it was the free movement of persons with the EU. Nonetheless, it is important to consider that nominally, immigration in 2014 was significantly higher than in 1970.  The Political Fight against Strangers Comparison Page 21   4.1.2 Differences  In recent years, globalization has accelerated. This is especially true after the turn of the mil­lennium. Switzerland is in a much tighter relationship with the rest of Europe than in 1970. Then, Switzerland did not have anything like a free movement of persons. The Switzerland of 2014 was forced to take international treaties into account when deciding on many topics.  A very significant difference lies in the voting rights of women. In 2014, women participated in the vote on the Mass Immigration Initiative. To the Schwarzenbachinitiative, the female Swiss citizen were not allowed to have a say. However, the assumption of Helmut Hubacher that the Schwarzenbachinitiative would have been rejected more clearly if women could have participated in 1970 stays unproved since to my knowledge no reliable study was done on this.  When we speak about high immigration numbers we always speak in relation to the time-setting. The absolute figures of immigrants in 2014 are significantly higher than they were around 1970.  Additionally, the federal council had already launched plafonation measures before the Schwarzenbachinitiative and this might have influenced the final outcome of the vote. Before the Mass Immigration Initiative, no direct pre-emptive governmental actions were implement­ed.    4.2 Comparison of the Initiative Text  4.2.1 Similarities  Both initiatives order the government to implement limitations on immigration and the number of foreign people working in Switzerland.  A time period to implement is given in both initiatives, namely three or four years after ac­ceptance by the people.   4.2.2 Differences  The text of the Mass Immigration Initiative is formulated much less specific than the Schwarzenbachinitiative. Therefore, it leaves much more room for interpretation concerning its implementation. An example of this is that in the Schwarzenbachinitiative an exact num­ber for the maximum of foreigners is given-namely at ten percent of the cantonal population. In the Mass Immigration Initiative, no exact number is fixed.  There are pronounced differences on the effect on foreign residents: Whereas the Mass Im­migration Initiative demands a ban on future immigration permissions, the Schwarzenbachini­tiative would have forced a lot of people already in Switzerland to leave.  Furthermore, “Frontaliers”20 would not have been touched by the Schwarzenbachinitiative. This stands in contrast to the Mass Immigration Initiative whose text incorporates them.  20 Frontaliers: Workers who live in another country than they work. They commute over borders daily.  The Political Fight against Strangers Comparison Page 22    4.3 Comparison of the Campaign and the Voting  4.3.1 Similarities  Both initiatives had a very high voter turnout, well above average. They both were preceded by very aggressive campaigns. Both were very close races and both surprised many people by their final outcome. Both initiatives strongly touched people’s emotions.  Both initiatives give one easy solution to the most pressing problems of many Swiss people such as overcrowded trains, a competitive labor market or the feeling of losing Swiss culture. However, in the Mass Immigration Initiative different concepts of how the Swiss economy should work and evolve also played their part. This is evident in the interviews with Lukas Reimann and Beat Flach, when both speak about the free movement of persons.  Both initiatives were strongly identified with terms that were rarely used before the votes. Firstly, it was the term “foreign infiltration” and later the term “mass immigration”.  The composition of the types of supporters and the opponents of both initiatives can be seen as fairly comparable in general. More rural cantons with small foreign percentages tended to accept the initiatives, whereas urban cantons generally rejected it. Also, the famous “Röschtigraben”21 can be found in both votes.   4.3.2 Differences  Fundamental difference is that the Mass Immigration Initiative was accepted and now is in the political process of being implemented, whereas the Schwarzenbachinitiative was reject­ed.  Also, the Schwarzenbachinitiative was very focused on the personality of James Schwarzen­bach. Not so in the Mass Immigration Initiative: here it was the political party, SVP, which was the main supporting organization. Whereas the SVP was already the strongest national party when the vote took place, the NA was only a small minority in 1970.  The Schwarzenbachinitiative was mainly a reaction to fears of Italian immigrants. In the Mass Immigration Initiative other-more complex-arguments led the people to vote yes. It is also noticeable that in the mass immigration discussion only a minor tendency against people from the Balkan and Muslims can be found. The campaign for the Mass Immigration Initiative was mostly not focused on any specific group of immigrants.  In 1970 there was no debate if the number of immigrants is too high or not. There was broad consent that a maximum had been reached. At very much higher levels, there was no such consensus in 2014. This is evident in the campaign of the opponents before the vote.  The supporter committee of the Mass Immigration Initiative was very active in doing propa­ganda work in local newspapers. It seems that there was more money left than in the Schwarzenbachinitiative. However, since there is no transparency about parties’ expendi­tures, this assumption is not provable. It is also obvious that in 1970 more public discussion forums were organized than in 2014. The way political campaigning were conducted was here clearly different.  21 Röschtigraben: Swiss term for a distinct separation of opinion along the language frontier between the French and the German speaking part of Switzerland.  The Political Fight against Strangers Conclusion Page 23  According to Valentin Oehen, it became apparent that in the Mass Immigration Initiative more intellectual/ economic personalities could be found on the supporter’s side. Unfortunately, no factual verification could be found on this claim and therefore stays an assumption.    4.4 Comparison of the Effects  Whereas the Mass Immigration Initiative now is in the realization phase, the Schwarzen­bachinitiative is not visible in the constitution. Nonetheless, the Schwarzenbachinitiative had a strong impact on the immigration policy in the 70s and 80s. This will certainly also be the case for the Mass Immigration Initiative. However, it cannot be said yet to what extent this will affect Swiss immigration in a long-term view.    5Conclusion  The previous pages show numerous similarities between the Mass Immigration Initiative and the Schwarzenbachinitiative. However, there are also a lot of distinct differences. Acknowl­edging this, can the starting hypothesis to predict the future of the accepted Mass Immigra­tion Initiative be upheld? The longer I worked on this paper, the clearer it became for me that predicting the future by studying the past is a very limited approach. Some future develop­ments are more probable than others. However, which ones will actually occur, depends on an incomprehensible high number of factors.  Nonetheless, I realized: Independent from the way the Mass Immigration Initiative will be implemented, the immigration topic will not disappear from the political agenda, as it has not during the last 40 years. The maximum acceptable limit of immigrants is not set in stone. It depends on subjective perceptions of individuals and the overall economy. These percep­tions and the economy change are repeatedly refunding the arguments.  The three conversations and the one e-mail exchange enabled me to get a very personal insight into different opinions on one topic. Classifying and analyzing different positions ex­panded my own horizon. I am happy if it has the same effects on readers of this paper.  Finally, a note has to be made on the archive research: Looking at all the newspapers, pic­tures and leaflets it was striking how much journalism and political debates have changed in the years between 1970 and 2014. Another change in style became visible in view of the held interviews: Whereas modern politicians clearly answered question after question some precise sentences, the retired interviewees tended to expand their responses.  The Political Fight against Strangers Acknowledgement Page 24  6 Acknowledgement  First of all, I want to express my highest gratitude for my interview partners Beat Flach, Val­entin Oehen, Helmut Hubacher and Lukas Reimann. Your kind willingness to spend time and respond to my questions laid the basis for my paper.  Further warm thanks go to Werner Warth and the office of the archive for contemporary his­tory. The availability of primary sources by the hundreds very much contributed to my under­standing of the topic.  In addition, I also want to thank my family for listening to my enthusiasm about the subject for almost one year. Especially, thank you, Papa, to review my paper and giving me important hints how I can improve certain aspects.  I also want to thank Sabine Coates who proofread the paper language wise.  Last, I want to thank Michael Bühler who let me do my work very independently. However, he stood by my side and helped me out whenever I needed it.   7 Declaration of Originality  I hereby declare that I have written this paper autonomously and that I have brought this pa­per in its present written form without the aid of other human beings except proofreading. Additionally, all used material and sources are duly mentioned.  Place, Date : Signature :  The Political Fight against Strangers Quellenverzeichnis Page 25   8 Quellenverzeichnis  Archiv für Zeitgeschichte AFZ. (1961-2009). PA Syst Sammlung 397. Schweiz.  Bafafer, T. (2014). Nach Umfragen steigt Nervosität bei Gegnern der SVP-Initiative. Wiler Zeitung, 1-5.  Bundesamt für Statistik Schweiz. (25. 9 2016). http://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/de/index/themen/01/07/blank/key/01/01.html.  DEA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten. (12. Oktober 2016). Personenfreizigkeit. Von https://www.eda.admin.ch/content/dam/dea/de/documents/fs/04-FS­Personenfreizuegigkeit_de.pdf abgerufen  Drews, I. (2005). Schweizer erwache! Der Rechtspopulist James Schwarzenbach (1967­1978). Frauenfeld: Verlag Huber und Co. AG.  EDA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten DEA. (6. 2 2016). Von https://www.eda.admin.ch/dea/home/bilaterale-abkommen/ueberblick.html abgerufen  EDA, Direktion für europäische Angelegenheiten DEA. (September 2016). Forschung. Von https://www.eda.admin.ch/content/dam/dea/de/documents/fs/08-FSForschung_de.pdf  abgerufen  Egerkinger Komitee. (2014). Bald 1 Million Muslime? Wiler Zeitung.  Eidgenössisches Departement für auswärtige Angelegenheiten EDA. (2016). Die bilateralen  Abkommen Schweiz-Europäische Union. Bern.  Forster, C. (11. 2 2014). Je weniger Ausländer, desto höher die Zustimmung. Neue Zcher Zeitung. Von http://www.nzz.ch/schweiz/je-weniger-auslaender-desto-hoeher-die­zustimmung-1.18240391 abgerufen  Foster, C., & Gerny, D. (2016). Kommission beschliesst sanften Inländervorrang. Neue Zcher Zeitung.  Generalsekretariat SVP Schweiz. (2016. 11 1). Schweizerische Volkspartei SVP. Von https://www.svp.ch/partei/geschichte/ abgerufen  Halbeisen, P., Müller, M., & Veyrasat, B. (2012). Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Schweiz im 20. Jahrhundert. Basel : Schwabe AG.  Komitee "Nein zur SVP-Abschottungsinitiative". (2014). Sieger in Australien-Nr.1 auf der Welt. Wiler Zeitung.  Lachat, D. (2014). Der verschleierte Apfel. Wiler Zeitung, 7.  The Political Fight against Strangers Quellenverzeichnis Page 26  Maiolino, A. (2011). Als die Italiener noch Tschinggen waren. Zürich: Rotpunkt Verlag. NZZ. (2005). Die Überwindung des "Tschinggen-Klischees". Neue Zcher Zeitung, 49. Prinz, T. (26. 5 1970). Die Jungen verstehen die Sprache Schwarzenbachs nicht. Wiler  Zeitung. Redaktion Neues Wiler Tagblatt. (8. 6 1970). Vernunft und Menschlichkeit haben gesiegt. S.  1ff.  Redaktion Wiler Zeitung. (3. 6 1970). Fremdenhasser drohte mit Pistole. Wiler Zeitung.  Schinke, R. (2014). Leserbeitrag zur Abstimmung gegen die Masseneinwanderungsinitiative.  Wiler Nachrichten.  Schmid, D. H. (1987). Die Schweiz nach dem Krieg. Glattbrugg: Verlagsgesellschaft Beobachter AG.  Schmid, D. H. (1987). Die Schweiz nach dem Krieg. Glattbrugg: Verlagsgesellschaft Beobachter AG.  Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei. (11. 10 2016). https://www.admin.ch/ch/d/pore/vi/vis413t.html. Von https://www.admin.ch/ch/d/pore/vi/vis413t.html abgerufen  Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei. (10. 10 2016). https://www.admin.ch/ch/d/pore/vi/vis93t.html. Von https://www.admin.ch/ch/d/pore/vi/vis93t.html abgerufen  SRF Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen. (16. 1 2014). Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen. Von http://www.srf.ch/news/schweiz/abstimmungen/abstimmungen/masseneinwanderung  s-initiative/initiative-gegen-masseneinwanderung-worum-geht-es abgerufen  SVP Schweiz. (2014). Bald mehr Ausländer als Schweizer. Wiler Zeitung.  Überparteiliches Kommitee für die Annahme der Masseneinwanderungsinitiative. (17. 12  2013). Argumentarium f die Annahme der Masseneinwanderungsinitiative. Von file:///C:/Users/marci/AppData/Local/Temp/argumentarium-lang-d.pdf abgerufen  Verein Raus aus der Sackgasse. (1. 11 2016). Verein Raus aus der Sackgasse. Von http://www.initiative-rasa.ch/de/ abgerufen  Wettach, A. (27. 5 1970). Der schwarze Bach. Wiler Zeitung, S. 9.  Wiler Zetung Redaktion. (2014). Darüber stimmen wir ab. Wiler Zeitung, 2.  Wottreng, W. (2000). Ein einzig Volk von Immigranten-Die Geschichte der Einwanderung in die Schweiz. Zürich: Orell Füssli Verlag AG.  The Political Fight against Strangers Figures Page 27   9 Figures  Figure 1: Percentage of the permanent foreign resident population in annual comparison (Bundesamt für Statistik Schweiz, 2016)..................................................................................6 Figure 2: Leaflet Pro-Schwarzenbachinitiative (Archiv für Zeitgeschichte AFZ, 1961-2009). 15 Figure 3: Example of an original leaflet (Archiv für Zeitgeschichte AFZ, 1961-2009)............15 Figure 4: Advertisement to promote the rejection of the Mass Immigration Initiative (Komitee "Nein zur SVP-Abschottungsinitiative", 2014)........................................................................17 Figure 5: Official advertisement of the national SVP (SVP Schweiz, 2014)...........................18 Figure 6: An original Anti-Muslim advertisement (Egerkinger Komitee, 2014).......................18  The Political Fight against Strangers Page 28  A: Original Text of the Initiatives  Schwarzenbachinitiative:  «Die Bundesverfassung wird wie folgt ergänzt:  I  Art. 69quater (neu)  Der Bund trifft Massnahmen gegen die bevkerungsmässige und wirtschaftliche Überfremdung der Schweiz.  Der Bundesrat sorgt daf, dass die Zahl der Ausländer in jedem Kanton, mit Ausnahme von Genf, 10 Prozent der schweizerischen Staatsangehigen, gemäss der letzten Volkszählung, nicht ersteigt. F den Kanton Genf der Anteil 25 Prozent.  Bei der Zahl der Ausländer unter Ib nicht mitgezählt und von den Massnahmen gegen die Überfremdung ausgenommen sind:  Saisonarbeiter (welche sich jährlich nicht länger als 9 Monate und ohne Familie in der Schweiz aufhalten), Grenzgänger, Hochschulstudenten, Touristen, Funktionäre internationaler Organisationen, Angehige diplomatischer und konsularischer Vertretungen, qualifizierte Wissenschafter und Kstler, Altersrentner, Kranke und Erholungsbedftige, Pflege-und Spitalpersonal, Personal internationaler charitativer und kirchlicher Organisationen.  Der Bundesrat sorgt daf, dass keine Schweizerbger wegen Rationalisierungs-oder Einschränkungsmassnahmen entlassen werden dfen, solange im gleichen Betrieb und in der gleichen Berufskategorie Ausländer arbeiten.  Als einzige Massnahme zur Bekämpfung der Überfremdung durch die erleichterte Einbgerung kann der Bundesrat bestimmen, dass das Kind ausländischer Eltern von Geburt an Schweizerbger ist, wenn seine Mutter von Abstammung Schweizerbgerin war und die Eltern zur Zeit der Geburt ihren Wohnsitz in der Schweiz haben. BV Artikel 44/3.  II  Artikel 69quater tritt sofort nach Annahme durch Volk und Stände dem Erwahrungsbeschluss der Bundesversammlung in Kraft.  Die Massnahme gemäss Ib:  Der Abbau ist innert 4 Jahren, nach dem Erwahrungsbeschluss der Bundesversammlung durchzufren.»  (Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei, 2016)   Masseneinwanderungsinitiative:  I Die Bundesverfassung1 wird wie folgt geändert: Art. 121 Sacherschrift (neu) Gesetzgebung im Ausländer-und Asylbereich Art. 121a (neu) Steuerung der Zuwanderung 1 Die Schweiz steuert die Zuwanderung von Ausländerinnen und Ausländern eigenständig. 2 Die Zahl der Bewilligungen f den Aufenthalt von Ausländerinnen und Ausländern in der  Schweiz wird durch jährliche Hhstzahlen und Kontingente begrenzt. Die Hhstzahlen gelten f sämtliche Bewilligungen des Ausländerrechts unter Einbezug des Asylwesens. Der Anspruch auf dauerhaften Aufenthalt, auf Familiennachzug und auf Sozialleistungen kann beschränkt werden.  3 Die jährlichen Hhstzahlen und Kontingente f erwerbstätige Ausländerinnen und Ausländer sind auf die gesamtwirtschaftlichen Interessen der Schweiz unter Berksichtigung eines Vorranges f Schweizerinnen und Schweizer auszurichten; die Grenzgängerinnen und Grenzgänger sind einzubeziehen. Massgebende Kriterien f die Erteilung von Aufenthaltsbewilligungen sind insbesondere das Gesuch eines Arbeitgebers, die Integrationsfähigkeit und eine ausreichende, eigenständige Existenzgrundlage.  4 Es dfen keine vkerrechtlichen Verträge abgeschlossen werden, die gegen diesen Artikel verstossen. 5 Das Gesetz regelt die Einzelheiten. II Die Übergangsbestimmungen der Bundesverfassung werden wie folgt geändert: Art. 197 Ziff. 92 (neu)  9. Übergangsbestimmung zu Art. 121a (Steuerung der Zuwanderung)  1 Vkerrechtliche Verträge, die Artikel 121a widersprechen, sind innerhalb von drei Jahren nach dessen Annahme durch Volk und Stände neu zu verhandeln und anzupassen.  2 Ist die Ausfrungsgesetzgebung zu Artikel 121a drei Jahre nach dessen Annahme durch Volk und Stände noch nicht in Kraft getreten, so erlässt der Bundesrat auf diesen Zeitpunkt hin die Ausfrungsbestimmungen vorergehend auf dem Verordnungsweg.  1 SR 101  2 Da die Volksinitiative keine Übergangsbestimmung der Bundesverfassung ersetzen will, erhält die Übergangsbestimmung zum vorliegenden Artikel erst nach der Volksabstimmung die endgtige Ziffer, und zwar aufgrund der Chronologie der in der Volksabstimmung angenommenen Verfassungsänderungen. Die Bundeskanzlei wird die nigen Anpassungen vor der Verfentlichung in der Amtlichen Sammlung des Bundesrechts (AS) vornehmen  (Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei, 2016)    B: Full Archive Research  Schwarzenbachinitiative:  In the city of Wil, two local newspaper were examined for the time period from 25th of May ­14th of June 1970: On the one hand the rather liberal and still existing “Wiler Zeitung” and on the other the catholic conservative “Neues Wiler Tagblatt” that has ceased to exit.  x  All official unions, churches and parties except the Nationale Aktion spoke in favor of   rejecting of the Schwarzenbachinitiative. Neither the “Wiler Zeitung” nor the “Neues   Wiler Tablatt” contained any official statement from a union supporting the initiative.   x  There are many reports about public debates in different places in the region of Wil.   National councilors and other politicians were invited everywhere to discuss the topic   in public. It seems that this was an important part of forming an opinion. Very telling is   the report published in the “Wiler Zeitung” on the 26th of May in 1970. It tells about an   information debate organized by the local CVP (Christian-democratic people’s party),   the SP (social democrats) and the FDP (liberal party) together. The parties seemed to   have been able to cooperate, which apparently was rarely the case (Redaktion Wiler   Zeitung, 1970).   x  Remarkable is the almost identical structure of most of the articles found. They open   with a short introduction by explaining who James Schwarzenbach is and what he   wants. Then an explanation follows why contemporary immigration numbers really   are a problem which has to be discussed. However, the articles claim that   Schwarzenbach’s approach is not a suitable solution. The authors then add specific   arguments, depending from which point of view they are coming. Sometimes, James   Schwarzenbach and other proponents are attacked personally.   An example for this is the following readers’ comment in the form of a poem (Wettach)  